Democratic Arts of Mourning, 2018

Why did it take only 23 days for the state of South Carolina to to remove the Confederate Battle Flag (CBF) from the grounds of the state house after Dylann Roof, white, murdered nine black parishioners at a prayer meeting in Charleston, South Carolina, in 2015?1 The flag had been flying at the state capitol since 1962, raised as a commemoration of the centennial of the Civil War, but then never lowered; the resignification of the CBF that had occurred mid-20 th century had turned the flag from revered, almost sacred memorial/historical object to a symbol of contemporary resistance to the Black Freedom Movement. So why and how did the Charleston Massacre overcome 53 years of resistance to the removal of the CBF in a mere 23 days? To begin formulating an answer to these questions, the first section provides an overview of the events in Charleston and the political context surrounding the events, while the second section traces the evolution of the meanings of the CBF from 1865 to date. The third section then offers a variety of ways we might interpret the events leading to the removal of the flag. I argue that the response to these questions lies where sovereignty, symbolism, and white domination intersect. First, the sovereignty of the state required reassertion in the wake of Roof's massive unleashing of violence on black persons, persons against whom the state frequently and disproportionately uses violence. Roof's arrest and prosecution, then, might be read as an effort to reassert sovereignty by reminding the state's (white) citizens that it alone has the monopoly on violence against black persons. Second, one of the significant symbols of the state's sovereignty

2013

This work is dedicated to my family, Mom, Dad, and Justin, who have supported me unconditionally in throughout my life. I would like to thank the faculty in the James Madison University department of history for instilling in me a love for studying the past and teaching me the craft of constant availability have helped make my tenure at JMU successful and memorable. Paramount among these mentors is Dr. P. D. Dillard, a consummate scholar, superior advisor, and the nicest Georgia Bulldog I have ever known. His classes were taxing, yet rewarding. that I can proudly call my own. Without his advice, guidance, and constant support, this project would not have been possible and my graduate career would have been far less interesting. Dr. Steven Reich has, in just two short classes, expanded my understanding of the complexities of American society both past and present. His formidable courses required me to give my best. His advice was always thoughtful and insightful, and his willingness to help was always appreciated. Dr. King, whose infectious smile made visiting his office a calming experience, offered incisive, helpful advice in the making of this project. To you all, I would like to express my deepest gratitude and admiration. Thank you. Of course, the history program would never function without the dedication and work of Judith Hollowood and Shelley Miller. Thank you both for always being welcoming and having the answer to my countless questions at hand. Thank you to the men and women in the interlibrary loan department who presented me with the materials necessary to compile this thesis. This paper required extensive time in the archives at the University of Mississippi. The women and men of the Ole Miss special collections helped me cut my archival teeth. Their willingness to endure my constant questions and eagerness to please made my research time in Oxford a pleasurable experience. I would also like to extend my sincerest gratitude to my dear friends who housed me during my research trips to Oxford and Charlottesville. Alex W. Smith, your humor is unparalleled and your hospitality is unrivaled. Sierra Smith, your intellect is envious and your insight dearly appreciated. My time at James Madison was made palatable and pleasurable by the many friends I have gained while on campus. To those who graduated before me Lauren

Politics & Policy, 2001

The interest group and social movement mobilizations to remove the Confederate Jag, which had been /lying since 1962,from atop the South Carolina State Capitol dome provides an instance where large, issue-specific coalitions successfully expanded the scope of a conflict andframed an issue in a universalistic discourse of inclusive citiienship. The groups and movements seeking to keep the /lag on the dome of the capitol experienced cascading defections in part based on a narrow vision of histoty the political context, and goals for the future. Based on seventeen in-depth interviews with interest group activists; key members of the South Carolina legislature; and educational. religious, and business leaders active in the issue along with observations at five pro and anti-/lag demonstrations and rallies, this study seeks to explain how the effort to remove the Confederate j l a g was partially successful. The analysis includes media attention from 1962 to 2000 in South Carolina regarding the Confiderate flag and public opinion on the flag over time. Prior interest group work helpedprepare the terrain for the mobilizing effects of several galvanizing events-the NAACP tourism boycott and national media attention during the highly contested 2000 Republican primary in the state, which in turn pressured institutions-parties, the legislature, and the governor-to respond. The struggle was an instance of applied philosophy. Symbols and Citizenship in the "New South" symbols pack a lot of political power and can become tropes for larger meanings (Edelman 1964, I97 I , and 1988). A flag is for many people a condensation symbol meaning much more than the cloth, threads, and dyes that construct it. Even when a physical symbol remains unchanged, how it is viewed and understood can change dramatically. In 1962 the South Carolina Legislature placed a Confederate flag on top of the State Capitol. Even &om the beginning, the flag was controversial. It took thirty-eight years, however, to move it. Many factors converged to make this happen. This study is based on, first, seventeen interviews with interest group leaders, key members of the South Carolina legislature, and educational, religious, and business leaders active in the 1999 Confederate flag issue in South Carolina. Second, we analyze media attention from 1962 to Moo in South Carolina regarding the Confederate flag. Third, we examine public opinion on the flag issue over time. Fourth. we include our personal observations at five pro and anti-flag demonstrations and rallies. Transforming the issue from one ofanticonfederacy and anti-racism to a frame of inclusive citizenship widened acceptance for the anti-flag movement by linking Politics & Policy Volume 29 No. 4 December 2001 South Carolina 709 the flag to issues of simple decent human treatment (see also Moore 1978). Indeed, at its most fundamental level, full and active citizenship is about real inclusion with regard to the issues that affect citizens' lives, particularly those issues with broad public consequences (Spitz 1984; Phillips 1993; Smith 1997). Meaningful inclusion must entail not only a voice in matters designated or regarded as legitimate issues, but also some control over what will be deemed a legitimate issue, i.e. agenda control (Bachrach and Baratz 1962 and 1970; Parenti 1970). In addition to these nobler causes and philosophies was "'The color green. The only color that really matters in America"' (Cobb-Hunter Interview 2000). A tourism boycott by the NAACP strengthened the resolve of flag opponents and displayed to flag supporters or the uncommitted the price South Carolina would pay for its flag display. It is clear From our analysis that the anti-flag forces in South Carolina encountered significant opposition. The power of the status quo, combined with citizen inertia, quiescence, and resignation to keep the flag issue off the political agenda for decades. As we will show, the increased political power of African American citizens in South Carolina state government, a shift in the scope of the conflict from provincial concern to a national political audience, pressure from business interests, and the articulation of a universalistic frame of citizenship and sovereignty mobilized power to move the flag. The Maze of Interests in State Politics Interest groups concerned with flying the Confederate flag were found in varying forms in South Carolina. The relevant groups ranged from the Chamber of Commerce to the NAACP, the Baptist Convention, and the Progressive Network. These influential groups sought to build up their memberships, lobby the statehouse in Columbia, educate and organize voters, support their friends in public ofice and oppose their political enemies. These groups also faced internal problems, such as maintaining cohesion, dealing with factions that break off From the group in response to special needs, and balancing democracy with discipline. On the whole, group influence in South Carolina is dominant in terms of economic diversity and policy impact relative to political parties and state government institutions (Thomas and Hrebenar 1996). With respect to economic diversity, wealthy urban industrial states tend to have weaker group influence because of the range and complexity of their economies. While no single interest dominates political life, multiple competing groups, to a great extent, balance each other. In contrast, in rural states with less economic diversity, such as South Carolina, a few dominant groups appear to wield more influence. Another important factor is group influence within the framework of party competition. According to Morehouse, "where parties are strong, pressure groups are weak or moderate; where parties are weak, pressure groups are strong enough to dominate the policy-making process" (Morehouse 198 1, I 1 8). Morehouse argues that where competitive parties are strong-where the parties actively recruit candidates, provide campaign support, and hold their members accountable after

Much has been written about the controversial confederate flag, and its relationship with racial issues and public memory. Only rarely however, the development of the flag was studied within the context of the Civil War. In this paper, the varying designs of the flag that was to represent the Confederate States, are linked to the Confederacy's emergent nationalism.

American Politics Research, 2004

Review of B. Virgilio, Le roi écrit (2011), including new short note by A. Wilhelm. of A. Heller, A.-V. Pont, Patrie d'origine et patries d'election (2012), with some thoughts on Greek city in Roman empire

Biogeosciences, 2009

Inter-annual variability in primary production and ecosystem respiration was explored using eddy-covariance data at a semi-arid savanna site in the Kruger Park, South Africa. New methods of extrapolating night-time respiration to the entire day and filling gaps in eddy-covariance data in semi-arid systems were developed. Net ecosystem 5 exchange (NEE) in these systems occurs as pulses associated with rainfall events, a pattern not well-represented in current standard gap-filling procedures developed primarily for temperate flux sites. They furthermore do not take into account the decrease in respiration at high soil temperatures. An artificial neural network (ANN) model incorporating these features predicted measured fluxes accurately (MAE 0.42 g C/m 2 /day), 10 and was able to represent the seasonal patterns of photosynthesis and respiration at the site. The amount of green leaf area (indexed using satellite-derived estimates of fractional interception of photosynthetically active radiation f APAR ), and the timing and magnitude of rainfall events, were the two most important predictors used in the ANN model. These drivers were also identified by multiple linear models (MLR), with strong 15 interactive effects. The annual integral of the filled NEE data was found to range from −138 to +155 g C/m 2 /y over the 5 year eddy covariance measurement period. When applied to a 25 year time series of meteorological data, the ANN model predicts an annual mean NEE of 75 (±105) g C/m 2 /y. The main correlates of this inter-annual variability were found to be variation in the amount of absorbed photosynthetically active 20 radiation (APAR), length of the growing season, and number of days in the year when moisture was available in the soil.

Functionalism is the most outstanding Intellectual acumen of European world, but among the absolute elitist approaches ever explored by early pathfinders of sociology in comprehending the social reality worldwide. No doubt, it has been excelled as an exceptional academic perspective among all social science perspectives worldwide; however, its face value is getting redundant in the country like India, where the dominant social structures push the subalterns down and pulls them out of their established social patterns. It runs away from the realities and gets enticed with Indian dominant ideology and western methodology. The tragedy is that it does not endorse the salient reflections of cultural diversities and pluralism nurtured by the subaltern castes, tribes and gender in the Indian society. Our study reveals that going beyond the prospect of the structural-functional perspective on Indian society will definitely be an uphill task. And instead of, going right through the accounts of the early travelers' visits, orientalist' studies, missionary views, British officials' ethnographic studies, indological perspective, Marxist perspective, etc on Indian society has been a critical heart searching for the subaltern people and their ethnic autonomy in Indian sociology. Addition to that, the Indological hegemony, and its related functional ideology still persist like "cultural watchdog" against any possibility of the subaltern perspective in contemporary India. Unfortunately, the authentic essence and liberating presence of the subaltern groups in Indian sociology is largely missing. Contrary to it, although, the subaltern consciousness as a liberating intellectual project has been gaining momentum but grappling with stiff oppositions. Since the dominant discourse on mainstream sociology has grudge against such development, it requires more scrutiny and debate for the sociology in India. Thus, an analytical reviews but critical history of Indian sociology has been sufficed to our purpose under the study. We have developed a resourceful analytical framework with Figure format in a comparative knowledge base for the study of Indian society in detail.